I am a huge NFL fan. It is, without a doubt, my favorite sport.
Did you hear about Fuzzy Thurston’s tax problems?
Who is Fuzzy? His actual name is Fred Thurston. He played with the Green Packers from 1959 to 1967. He played guard in the first two Super Bowls under Vince Lombardi.
He was considered a tough football player and part of the famed “Power Sweep.” When asked how he prepared for the bitter cold of the Ice Bowl on December 31, 1966 at Lambeau Field against the Dallas Cowboys, he replied “About 10 vodkas.”
After football he became a restaurateur. He and partners, including Max McGee, opened a restaurant named Left Guard in Menasha, Wisconsin and eventually had six locations throughout Wisconsin. Fuzzy played left guard – hence the name of the restaurant.
The trouble arose with employment taxes. Somewhere between 1978 and 1980 the Janesville restaurant failed to remit payroll taxes withheld from employees. We have spoken of withholding before. These penalties are some of the toughest in the IRS arsenal. It makes sense, if you remember that these are withheld taxes. The money belongs to the employees, and the employer is merely a conduit for remittance to the Treasury. When the employer fails to remit, it not only deprives the Treasury but it has also robbed from its employees.
So Fuzzy had a withholding problem. The tax action goes against the company and the responsible persons at the company. As a partner, Fuzzy must have had enough authority to be considered a responsible person. So were his partners. His partners paid-off their actions, but Fuzzy fought his. The initial judgment against him in 1984 was approximately $190,000.
Fuzzy continued to fight. His liability, with interest and penalties for more than 25 years, is a little more than $1.7 million. The IRS is selling off his football paraphernalia, including his 1960 Packers helmet, two 1960 footballs signed by Packers players and Vince Lombardi, his NFL championship rings from 1958, 1961, 1962 and 1965, and Fuzzy’s Super Bowl II ring. The IRS is searching for his Super Bowl I ring also, but it hasn’t turned up.
It’s an unfortunate story, but I have to point out that Fuzzy either dug in his heels unreasonably or otherwise received horrendous tax advice. Perhaps he felt that his partners stole from him and that he wasn’t responsible. Fine, but a quick education from his accountant might have included the concept of surrogate liability, and that as a partner in the restaurant he had triggered that liability. At that point it was not a matter of right or wrong, but rather a matter of emergency room decision-making. Stop the bleed, clot the wound, stabilize the patient, live to fight another day. I have to believe he could have come up with $190,000 in 1984. He could then have sued his partners, if it made him feel better. But he was not going to win the responsible person action against him with the IRS.
Showing posts with label Packers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Packers. Show all posts
Monday, June 27, 2011
Tuesday, June 21, 2011
The IRS is Pursuing 501(c)(4)s
The 2011 Workplan of the IRS Exempt Organizations Division states:
"[i]n recent years, our examination program has concentrated on section 501(c)(3) organizations. Beginning in FY 2011, we are increasing our focus on section 501(c)(4), (5) and (6) organizations."
The (c)(3) is the classic charity – Muscular Dystrophy or March of Dimes, for example. The purpose of a (c)(4) is to pursue a near-endless range of public policy goals through action and advocacy. Many of these entities are barred from (c)(3) status because they express their advocacy through political activity. It is quite common to couple a (c)(3) with a (c)(4). You already know some of the big (c)(4) players, organizations such as AARP and the National Rifle Association.
Now let’s carve-out the meaning of “political activities”:
* Promoting legislation germane to the (c)(4)s purpose is considered a permissible social welfare purpose. Therefore an organization can qualify as tax-exempt under( c)(4) even if the organization’s only activity is lobbying, as long as the lobbying is related to its exempt purpose.
* A social welfare purpose does not include participating in an election in order to advance or defeat a given candidate. Candidate-related activity cannot be the (c)(4)s primary activity. The IRS does not tell us what “primary” means, and advisors differ. Some advisors s feel comfortable with electioneering approaching (but always remaining below) 50% of the organization’s total activities. It is unclear how to even measure activities. What is the measure: dollars spent, time spent by staff and volunteers, a percentage of fixed expenses (such as rent)?
So lobbying is acceptable but electioneering is not.
Donations to (c)(4)s are not afforded the same protection as a (c)(3), and the IRS has held its powder for almost 30 years on whether it would consider (c)(4) donations to be subject to the gift tax.
That has changed.
How would the IRS know who donated to a (c)(4)? A (c)(4) has to disclose to the IRS on its 990 filing contributors who donated $5,000 or more. This list however does not have to be publicly disclosed. Therefore, you and I might not know, but the IRS would. It would not be a difficult task for the IRS to identify donors for audit.
And they have. The IRS has recently sent letters that read as follows:
"Your 2008 gift tax return (Form 709) has been assigned to me for examination. The Internal Revenue Service has received information that you donated cash to [REDACTED], an IRC Section 501(c)(4) organization. Donations to 501(c)(4) organizations are taxable gifts and your contribution in 2008 should have been reported on your 2008 Federal Gift Tax Return (Form 709)."
The federal gift tax applies to a gratuitous transfer of property by an individual. The gift tax is separate from the individual income tax. Not all gratuitous transfers are subject to the gift tax. Transfers between spouses are not considered gifts, for example. An individual can give away $13,000 per year to anyone for any reason without involving the gift tax. Donations to (c)(3)s are not considered gifts, irrespective of the amount. Donations to a 527 organization (that is, a PAC) are not considered gifts. Donations to a (c)(4) are considered gifts.
At least they are considered gifts by the IRS. The IRS pulled out almost 30 years ago, and the limited guidance and cases in this area leaves doubt that the IRS is correct. If one focuses in on the political nature of the contribution, then one has to consider Stern and Carson, for example. In Stern (CA-5, 1971), the IRS lost its argument that campaign contributions were taxable gifts. In Carson (CA-10, 1981) the Tax Court held that Congress did not intend for gift tax to apply to campaign contributions, and the Tenth Circuit affirmed on this point.
We almost undoubtedly will see this matter litigated.
"[i]n recent years, our examination program has concentrated on section 501(c)(3) organizations. Beginning in FY 2011, we are increasing our focus on section 501(c)(4), (5) and (6) organizations."
The (c)(3) is the classic charity – Muscular Dystrophy or March of Dimes, for example. The purpose of a (c)(4) is to pursue a near-endless range of public policy goals through action and advocacy. Many of these entities are barred from (c)(3) status because they express their advocacy through political activity. It is quite common to couple a (c)(3) with a (c)(4). You already know some of the big (c)(4) players, organizations such as AARP and the National Rifle Association.
Now let’s carve-out the meaning of “political activities”:
* Promoting legislation germane to the (c)(4)s purpose is considered a permissible social welfare purpose. Therefore an organization can qualify as tax-exempt under( c)(4) even if the organization’s only activity is lobbying, as long as the lobbying is related to its exempt purpose.
* A social welfare purpose does not include participating in an election in order to advance or defeat a given candidate. Candidate-related activity cannot be the (c)(4)s primary activity. The IRS does not tell us what “primary” means, and advisors differ. Some advisors s feel comfortable with electioneering approaching (but always remaining below) 50% of the organization’s total activities. It is unclear how to even measure activities. What is the measure: dollars spent, time spent by staff and volunteers, a percentage of fixed expenses (such as rent)?
So lobbying is acceptable but electioneering is not.
Donations to (c)(4)s are not afforded the same protection as a (c)(3), and the IRS has held its powder for almost 30 years on whether it would consider (c)(4) donations to be subject to the gift tax.
That has changed.
How would the IRS know who donated to a (c)(4)? A (c)(4) has to disclose to the IRS on its 990 filing contributors who donated $5,000 or more. This list however does not have to be publicly disclosed. Therefore, you and I might not know, but the IRS would. It would not be a difficult task for the IRS to identify donors for audit.
And they have. The IRS has recently sent letters that read as follows:
"Your 2008 gift tax return (Form 709) has been assigned to me for examination. The Internal Revenue Service has received information that you donated cash to [REDACTED], an IRC Section 501(c)(4) organization. Donations to 501(c)(4) organizations are taxable gifts and your contribution in 2008 should have been reported on your 2008 Federal Gift Tax Return (Form 709)."
The federal gift tax applies to a gratuitous transfer of property by an individual. The gift tax is separate from the individual income tax. Not all gratuitous transfers are subject to the gift tax. Transfers between spouses are not considered gifts, for example. An individual can give away $13,000 per year to anyone for any reason without involving the gift tax. Donations to (c)(3)s are not considered gifts, irrespective of the amount. Donations to a 527 organization (that is, a PAC) are not considered gifts. Donations to a (c)(4) are considered gifts.
At least they are considered gifts by the IRS. The IRS pulled out almost 30 years ago, and the limited guidance and cases in this area leaves doubt that the IRS is correct. If one focuses in on the political nature of the contribution, then one has to consider Stern and Carson, for example. In Stern (CA-5, 1971), the IRS lost its argument that campaign contributions were taxable gifts. In Carson (CA-10, 1981) the Tax Court held that Congress did not intend for gift tax to apply to campaign contributions, and the Tenth Circuit affirmed on this point.
We almost undoubtedly will see this matter litigated.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)